DONALD Langmead was deep in the research
phase of his PhD thesis in the early 1980s. The University
of South Australia architecture lecturer was grinding his
way through the sort of stolid minutes and committee reports
that are the building blocks of academic publishing, when
he made an unsettling discovery. The contents of a series
of documents from the 19th century laid bare as myth a cornerstone
of the official history of South Australia. The acclaimed
deeds of a founding hero were a falsehood. Worse, they were
largely the achievements of another man. Reference books,
academic journals, historic records and the stories of modern
place-making had been based on assumption and not fact. Langmead,
the son of a Port Adelaide council worker, was well aware
of the jealousies and furies of an academic establishment
scorned. “It can’t be true,” he told himself,
half hoping to be wrong.
Langmead approached his doctorate supervisor
at Flinders University, Donald Leslie Johnson, a vastly experienced
researcher and author, with an international reputation as
a scholar and expert in architectural and urban history. Johnson,
an American, unburdened by folklore or preconception, reviewed
Langmead’s methodology and outcomes. He concurred with
his charge’s findings. Johnson told Langmead to continue
with his research and complete his thesis. At the same time,
Johnson began his own research into the source of the Adelaide
plan.
When Langmead presented his PhD dissertation
in late 1983, he concluded that Adelaide, the jewel in the
crown of the new British colony of South Australia, had not
been designed by the legendary Colonel William Light. The
site of Adelaide had not been found by Light. The survey of
Adelaide had only been managed by Light. William Light was
officially the founder because he had the authority to ratify
the site. Due process aside, he had little impact on the establishment
of Adelaide at all. The true founder was George Strickland
Kingston, a civil engineer and architect, previously disregarded
as a plodding maker of uninspired buildings. The hotheaded
Irishman, a Freemason and republican, had been anathema to
the privileged establishment whose stories formed the first
recorded history of Adelaide. For more than a century he suffered
what Donald Johnson later called an “uncritical prejudice”
against him by historians and writers. Until Don Langmead’s
innocent discovery.
Langmead and Johnson set out their research
and conclusions in the book City of Adelaide Plan: Fiction
and Fact published in 1986, which, pointedly, was South Australia’s
Sesquicentenary Year – the 150th anniversary of its
founding. More than establishing that Adelaide was not Light’s
vision, the book demonstrated there was no single vision for
Adelaide at all. The new town was an amalgam of influences
from history, tracing as far back as Ancient Greece. When
it was designed in London as a functional colonial template
by Kingston, Light was still serving as a mercenary in Egypt
for the armed forces of Pasha Mohammed Ali, months away from
being aware of upcoming opportunity in Terra Australis. Adelaide
was being sold off the Kingston plan before its founders had
set sail for South Australia, and before anyone had decided
where in the new colony it would be located.
Documented fact it may have been, but
in 1986 it was an unwelcome cat among the pigeons that were
the self-appointed guardians of the realm of place-making
and its history in South Australia. Drawn together by indignation
and academic brotherhood, they huffed and puffed. Light diarist
David Elder dismissed the findings out of hand, and the Deputy
Surveyor General of the time, J.R. Porter, ridiculed the findings
as “wild assumptions”. Yet further from home,
in more objective climes, the book’s scholarship and
importance were recognised – in the Melbourne journal
Historic Environment and, a world away, in the English journal
Town Planning Review, where University of Birmingham professor
Gorden Cherry acknowledged and accepted the compelling evidence
of the documents. In Adelaide, there was no rebuttal of the
facts, but no acceptance either. Langmead and Johnson were
out in the cold. Eight years later, the dogged Langmead published
a biography of Kingston entitled Accidental Architect: The
Life and Times of George Strickland Kingston in which he fleshed
out Kingston’s authorship of Adelaide. The book attracted
one review, in The Adelaide Review of December 1994 by Stephen
Hamnett, planning academic and historian. Hamnett did not
dispute the facts and scholarship of the book but, equally,
did not pursue the logical ramifications for popular history
inherent in its conclusions. He focused on Kingston the journeyman
architect, whose buildings were already regarded as frumpy
and fair game by most critics. To this day there has been
no academic or informed public denial of the Langmead-Johnson
position. The reaction has echoed Langmead’s initial
exclamation: “No. It can’t be true”.
Doubters prepared to consider the body
of evidence, however, have generally changed their position.
But they form an ambiguous body of private acceptance and
public denial. It seems there are three plausible reasons
for this, only one of them exclusively Adelaidean in character.
Firstly, William Light was a hero of his
time, and was deified as such by distinguished Australian
academic/historian Geoffrey Dutton in his book Colonel William
Light: Founder of a City. Light’s exotic background
as the illegitimate son of the buccaneering founder and governor
of Penang, Francis Light, and his girlfriend Martinha Rozells,
provided the context for an adventurous life at the great
frontiers of the early 19th-century world. Soldier, sailor,
traveller and painter, William Light served with the Duke
of Wellington in the British infantry; he was wounded and
cited for bravery while fighting as a mercenary in Spain.
Multi-lingual, and artistic like his father, Light also had
a certain notoriety for his domestic arrangements, working
his way controversially through two wives and then thumbing
his nose at social convention by taking with him a mistress,
Maria Gandy, for the duration of his short life in Adelaide.
When he set sail for South Australia in
1836 he was suffering from asthma and tuberculosis. Ultimately
cut adrift by London and ostracised by Adelaide society, dependent
on opiates and suffering from a depression bordering on paranoia
(a characteristic of advanced TB), he died in his Thebarton
shack in 1839, in poverty and, as always, deep in debt. It
was, as academic historian Peter Howell wrote, “...
the very stuff of which legends are made”. Where fact
begins to be consumed by fiction.
The choice of Light as Surveyor General
was a political, not professional, appointment. He had three
times been knocked back for bigger prizes in Adelaide –
as the first Governor; as first Resident Commissioner; and
then as First Surveyor. The position of Surveyor General was
a sop, fourth prize when only three were originally at stake;
it was a reward for Light’s service in the Napoleonic
Wars. Light’s subsequent demeanor was of a man forced
to labor below his true station in life; he referred to Kingston
as a “vulgar, overbearing upstart”. The position
of Surveyor General didn’t call for professional qualifications
or skill, it was concerned with authority and the management
of others to get the job done. A military background provided
the required form. William Light was not a visionary, and
he wasn’t a planner, designer or surveyor of cities.
He was the hero of an Emily Bronte novel who became a myth.
The ghost of histories past, he haunts the city that created
him, refusing to go away.
The second reason for the lack of recognition
of both Kingston’s feats and Don Langmead’s scholarship
is the nature of the beast that is academic publishing: a
hotbed of ego, competition and outright jealousy of the highest
order. Reputation, credibility and resources achieved by years
of careful positioning is put on the line every time a hypothesis
is held up as fact or a book is declared the definitive account
of a life or a body of work. The worst crimes of academic
publishing are to not methodically address all known sources
of information and documented accounts on a subject, and to
ignore information that conflicts with the premise of the
author’s research. Of the countless historians and researchers
who have pored over the official documents and accounts of
the founding and early years of South Australia, only two
before Don Langmead – Grenfell Price (1924) and Professor
Michael Williams (1974) – had either published doubt
over the authorship of the “parkland town plan”
or surmised on its true origins. No-one has picked up the
baton. There is a huge academic investment in this status
quo, a lot of face to be lost. The mammoth task of identifying,
recalling and rewriting thousands of books, guides and popular
sources of information would be a humbling experience, an
admission of guilt for what Langmead describes unapologetically
as “flawed, unthorough and unprofessional” scholarship.
Across the academic divide from Langmead
and Johnson are five historians with an interest in the Light/Kingston
story, and a preference for things as they are. Not surprisingly,
all are linked by Adelaide. Stephen Hamnett, Alan Hutchings
and Raymond Bunker are contemporaries and colleagues: they
have worked together and researched and edited together, at
the University of South Australia and in publishing ventures.
Hamnett and Bunker co-edited Urban Australia planning issues
and policies (1987); Hamnett was a co-editor with Robert Freestone
of The Australian Metropolis: a planning history (2001) which
won a Planning Institute of Australia award for scholarship;
Freestone had reviewed Fiction and Fact in 1986 and was “not
convinced”.
Hutchings and Bunker co-edited With Conscious
Purpose: a history of town planning in South Australia (1986).
It was reviewed favourably by Elder in the Journal of the
Historical Society of SA - as part of the same review that
canned Fiction and Fact. Bunker was an advisor to the state
government on the MFP proposal; Hutchings was state planner
under premier Don Dunstan and director of the plan for the
proposed satellite city of Monarto; Hamnett has chaired major
government and professional authorities and forums. Bunker
acknowledged the Langmead/Johnson research in two published
papers but chooses to focus on the multiplicity of likely
sources for the plan. Hutchings rejects the legitimacy of
Kingston, calling him incompetent and “a crook”
during a discussion at the 2003 National Planning Conference
in Adelaide.
The establishment team is completed by
the deceased Geoffrey Dutton and fellow South Australian David
Elder. Dutton glorified Light as infallible, a grand visionary
and general; Kingston was a coarse and intellectually challenged
“field soldier” who did as he was told. Dutton
was the quintessential descendant of the wealthy and privileged
dynasties of the new colony of South Australia. Born and privately
tutored as a child on the historic family property of Anlaby
in the Mid-North, Dutton followed a well-worn path: Geelong
Grammar, St Mark’s College at the University of Adelaide,
RAAF, Oxford University, a “finishing school”
of European travel and study tours, University of Adelaide
again, and onwards and upwards to academic and literary fame
in Australia and beyond. Light as Renaissance Man was ingrained
in Dutton’s South Australian psyche well before he wrote
Founder of a City in 1960. As a scholar of international repute,
however, it doesn’t explain how he could have missed
the same accounts, in the same documents, that Langmead uncovered
23 years later. Or did he? When Langmead went to the State
Library of South Australia in the course of his research,
he discovered that Dutton had put an embargo on access to
the Light Papers he had researched for the 1984 revision of
Founder of a City. It was the first time to the knowledge
of Langmead and Johnson that such a power had been invoked
in the university systems of their international experience
outside of immediate family or personal documents. Fortunately,
a sympathetic archivist “accidentally” left the
documents where Langmead could access them for the duration
of his research. The rest, as it is said, is history. Dutton
revised his book three times, the last time in 1991 –
five years after Fiction and Fact entered the academic consciousness
– assisted by Elder. There was no acknowledgement of
the Langmead findings. And no clue to why Geoffrey Dutton,
eminent scholar and authority on Australian history, tried
to prevent access to his research. In 1984, Elder published
William Light’s Brief Journal and Australian Diaries,
a mainly retrospective take on history by Light after most
of his diaries, plans and sketches were lost in a fire at
his surveyor shack on January 22, 1838. The Elder book adds
nothing to the authorship issue and, because of its shaky
origins, is not considered to have academic veracity.
The third explanation for the public silence
over such revelations is Adelaide itself. The founding fathers
early on created a popular history of its origins: a utopian
ideal given physical form by an inspired planner. Adelaide
was settled by principled free men, not criminals. It was
special. It was unique. Successive generations of the comfortable
cliques that have controlled the good ship Adelaide have acted
as guardians of this legacy, shaping it to their own ends.
There has been a convenient interpretation that there is nothing
that can be done to make Adelaide better, a reason to settle
comfortably in a pre-ordained present than face an uncertain
future, and especially to do nothing that compromises the
primacy of Light’s vision of the perfect city. Should
you come across any evidence to the contrary, close your eyes
and it will go away.
History doesn’t go away. It is the
foundation of a society’s identity, value system and
sense of place; of belonging. A society built on perpetuated
myths and untruths can’t evolve in a meaningful way.
It can’t grow up, and it can’t be taken seriously.
In 2001, it was proposed at a forum involving the South Australia
Civic Trust and the Australian branch of the International
Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) that Adelaide be nominated
to UNESCO as a World Heritage City because of its physical
and cultural attributes, especially its “unique”
layout. Donald Johnson, still irked by the wall of silence
blocking acknowledgement of Langmead’s history-changing
work, was dismayed. Adelaide, he says, “is not a secret
society, but it is a society of secrets”, and it couldn’t
be elevated to the pantheon of cities of world significance
when the story of its birth and design was obscured by a fog
of fiction. Johnson decided to write a paper that would be
the final word on the Light/Kingston affair, focusing only
on the documents recording the activity and events from August
1834, when Kingston joined the South Australia Association,
to March 17, 1837, the day the survey of Adelaide into its
1000 town-acre blocks was completed. The result is The Kingston/Light
plan of Adelaide and founding the city which will be published
in the November issue of the Journal of the Historical Society
of South Australia. It is unequivocal in both its findings
and scholarly rigor, with almost 50 per cent of the paper
taken up by referencing. It finishes with:
… historian Professor Peter Howell’s
summary remark is apt.
Historians are constantly discovering
data which undermines assumptions made by the journalists
and other chroniclers who generally lead the way in attempting
to explain a community to itself. Moreover, while the truth
can be embarrassing to officialdom, it generally proves to
be more interesting than the stories propagated by the myth-makers.
Professor Donald Langmead’s biographical
research on Kingston is hereby augmented, clarified and confirmed.
William Light carried the burden of being the son of a larger-than-life
father he never knew. The child of the founder and eventual
governor of Penang, he was brought up by his sister before
being sent to school in England, aged six. He joined the British
navy at 14. Close to death a world away, he craved only that
he be remembered as the founder of Adelaide and be buried
with an epaulet from his military uniform. A formative establishment
was only too happy to rediscover the hero in the problem child,
to put a romantic spin on the demise of a figurehead. Light
simply signed off on the site for the new town. The planning,
design, choice of location and layout of the capital of a
brave new world was the work of George Kingston.
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| Chris Bowe
is Assistant Editor of The Adelaide Review and a city
resident since moving to Adelaide in 1984. |
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