NOW there is a bit of a lull in the
public hysteria about so-called plea bargaining that was fuelled
by the Nemer case last year, and exacerbated old wounds about
others, a cooler look at the process is in order.
We will need to be thinking straight when the Government unwraps
its response to the suggestions for tidying up, made by Solicitor-General
Chris Kourakis. It will help if we do not revisit the moral
panic that was fostered about so-called plea-bargaining, and
the linked suggestion that this process somehow disregarded
the rights of victims.
This is, and always was, dangerous and silly nonsense –
a point which was eloquently, if ironically, made a few days
after Paul Rofe resigned as Director of Public Prosecutions
in the wake of Mr Kourakis’s harsh assessment of his
conduct of the Nemer prosecution. That episode also involved
the re-cycling of some canards about other cases in which
a guilty plea had been taken.
A few days later, Michael Dawson, the
chief executive of Victim Support Services, was reported as
saying that victims often favoured plea-bargaining because
they did not relish having to go through a fully fought trial.
The first thing to be said about plea-bargaining is that it
is a most unfortunate term. It carries notions of a done deal,
and it also carries some baggage from its US origins, where
the negotiations can include matters of penalty. This does
not and cannot happen in Australia. And the only sense in
which it is a done deal is that when prosecutors tell the
courts that they will not proceed on the more serious charges;
the courts must deal, and only deal, with the charge that
remains. The person charged pleads guilty to that lesser offence.
Chris Kourakis quite rightly discourages
the use of the expression. In his report, he identified the
two elements of what is involved, and proposed describing
them as charge arrangements (meaning negotiations about which
charge will proceed) and plea arrangements (meaning the facts
which both sides will accept as being a proper basis for the
guilty plea).
The idea that charge and plea arrangements
are some sort of unsuitably cosy deal perhaps gains something
from the emphasis that is sometimes put on resources, and
not wasting the time of the courts. That is a weak reason.
If the charges ought to be prosecuted, we ought to insist
that resources are available for that to happen. The point
is that charge arrangements only happen for a more fundamental
reason – namely, that the higher charges should not
proceed.
The reason that they should not proceed
is that there is not a reasonable prospect that they will
get up, and the prosecutor knows it. That may sometimes be
difficult for victims or the bereaved to digest, but this
only makes a case for careful and thorough explanation to
these people. To have the prosecuting authorities knowingly
dragging people before the courts on charges which have no
hope would be intolerable. It would be an abuse of legal process.
It would drag us into the country of show trials.
How can it be, then, that charges are
laid which have no hope of success? Easy. The short reason
is that time passes, and things happen. Let’s go into
detail.
An offence is committed. The police investigate
and report. On the basis of that report, charges are laid.
Sometimes, of course, there will be a more or less immediate
arrest, but even then there will be further investigation,
and often further charges beyond what was charged at the time
of arrest. Either way, at this stage, the person charged may
have chosen to say nothing.
Even if the person charged does speak,
other things may emerge later that provide a defence to the
more serious charges – things which the investigating
and prosecuting authorities cannot know at the time that charges
are laid, and cannot be expected to know. And this is what
changes the picture.
At this point, prosecutors are faced with
the reality that a charge which looked good on paper before
all the facts were in just will not fly. They are obliged,
for the reasons already mentioned, not to run a deadset dud.
They are also obliged to run charges which adequately reflect
the criminality of what was done. Balancing these two duties,
they accept a plea of guilty to a lesser charge. And the court
decides what the penalty should be.
Those of us on the outside of these processes,
not knowing the detail, can often find it difficult to understand
why more serious charges were not pressed. But that tends
to happen because, from the outside, we focus on the consequences.
Consequences matter in assessing culpability, but they are
not all that matters. Facts which we may not know, or do not
pause to try to imagine, matter too. The difference between
malign intention and careless indifference matters.
We routinely apply this sort of subtlety to resolving conflicts
that arise in the back garden among our children, and we do
not do it because we are soft on our kids. We do it because
these considerations are deeply entrenched values. Do we really
want the law to ignore such deep values which guide us in
the rest of our lives?
Victims, of course, focus on the consequences
of offenders’ behaviour, because they have suffered
those consequences. We should do everything we can to vindicate
the rights of victims, but we should not become victims ourselves,
and we should remember that nothing can undo what has been
done; nothing can fully restore victims to the position they
were in before they were wronged. None of this will dissuade
conspiracy theorists from running their alarmist fantasies.
But conspiracy theorists overlook the fact that prosecutors
do not have much of an interest in going soft. Their professional
reputations and their personal success depend in large measure
on their effectiveness in seeing to it that villains get what
they deserve.
And none of this excludes the possibility
that, here and there – including for the lesser matters
that are dealt with in the Magistrates Court – there
may have been some looseness about the terms on which prosecutors
have accepted a plea of guilty to a lesser charge.
All the same, if people get on the bandwagon
again in the way they did last year and earlier this year,
the best thing to do will be to suggest they have a soothing
bath and a lie-down.
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"Conspiracy theorists overlook
the fact that prosecutors do not have much of an interest in
going soft. Their professional reputations and their personal
success depend in large measure on their effectiveness in seeing
to it that villains get what they deserve."
| Michael Jacobs
is an Adelaide journalist and former lawyer. |
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